[30] We are told: The people are used to it, the workers have come to "love" their Social-Democratic Party. The opposite is the case with the Soviets.     Capitalists must pay their workers, servants, etc., for days devoted to public service in the militia.         with which the inexperienced agitator of the "good old days" went simply and directly to the countryside -- and got a beating for his pains. If we organise ourselves and conduct our propaganda skilfully, not only the proletarians, but nine-tenths of the peasants will be opposed to the restoration of the police, will be opposed to an undisplaceable and privileged bureaucracy and to an army divorced from the people. ** See pp. It is the worst enemy of the further progress and success of the Russian revolution. issue its own manifesto (published in Switzerland in Russian, German and French).    But the Conference took place from April 24 to April 29, 1917, its resolutions have long since been published (see supplement to Soldatskaya Pravda No. Marx and Engels gauged the times accurately; they understood the international situation; they understood that the approach to the beginning of the social revolution must be slow.         10.     Our work must be one of criticism, of explaining the mistakes of the petty-bourgeois Socialist-Revolutionary and Social-Democratic parties, of preparing and welding the elements of a consciously proletarian, Communist Party, and of curing the proletariat of the "general" petty-bourgeois intoxication. Good people often forget the brutal and savage setting of the imperialist world war.     11.     3) The third trend, that of the true internationalists, is best represented by the "Zimmerwald Left".         We must not, for the sake of the Zimmerwald "Kautskyites", continue the semi-alliance with the chauvinist International of the Plekhanovs and Scheidemanns.     We are out to put an end to the imperialist world war into which hundreds of millions of people have been drawn and in which the interests of billions and billions of capital are involved, a war which cannot end in a truly democratic peace without the greatest proletarian revolution in the history of mankind. . Such questions will be, and can be, decided only by experience. And it is because the pamphlet is based wholly on a class analysis that it is not out of date -- the only change made by Tsereteli, Chernov and Co . . From the day it was founded the I.L.P. with which the inexperienced agitator of the "good old days" went simply and directly to the countryside -- and got a beating for his pains. We must repeat that we are Marxists and that we take as our basis the Communist Manifesto, which has been distorted and betrayed by the Social-Democrats on two main points: (1) the working men have no country: "defence of the fatherland" in an imperialist war is a betrayal of socialism; and (2) the Marxist doctrine of the state has been distorted by the Second International.             Granted that "many" workers understand Social-Democracy in an honest way; but it is time to learn how to distinguish the subjective from the objective.     This seems to be "nothing more" than propaganda work, but in reality it is most practical revolutionary work; for there is no advancing a revolution that has come to a standstill, that has choked itself with phrases, and that keeps 'marking time", not because of external obstacles, not because of the violence of the bourgeoisie (Guchkov is still only threatening to employ violence against the soldier mass), but because of the unreasoning trust of the people. We must remain in Zimmerwald only for purposes of information. WITHIN THE SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL And the refusal to allow Martov to leave Switzerland, and the attempt to lure him to Britain, where Trotsky's fate awaits him? [32] All the phrases of this kind, which fill the articles of the defencist, semi-defencist, and semi-internationalist papers as well as innumerable resolutions, appeals, manifestos, and the resolutions of the Soviet of Soldiers.'     organs of administration, the police, the army and the bureaucracy.         Create lists, bibliographies and reviews: Your request to send this item has been completed.     18. .     The term democracy is not only scientifically incorrect when applied to a Communist Party; it has now, since March 1917, simply become blinkers put on the eyes of the revolutionary people and preventing them from boldly and freely, on their own initiative, building up the new: the Soviets of Workers', Peasants', and all other Deputies, as the sole power in the "state" and as the harbinger of the "withering away" of the state in every form. The slogan "Down with the War!" Even that chauvinist, that extreme German chauvinist, Heilmann, editor of the ultra-chauvinistic Chemnitzer Volksstimme and contributor to Parvus's ultra-chauvinistic Glocke [47] (a "Social-Democrat", of course, and an ardent partisan of Social-Democratic "unity"), was compelled to acknowledge in the press that the Centre, or "Kautkyism", and the Zimmerwald majority were one and the same thing. 15.     22 and 23).     --Ed. homeless children, food inspection, etc., will never be satisfactorily discharged until women are on an equal footing with men, not merely nominally but in reality. page 70 The world-wide experience of bourgeois and landowner governments has evolved two methods of keeping the people in subjection. The leaders of the petty bourgeoisie "must" teach the people to trust the bourgeoisie. The opposite is the case with the Soviets. There is nothing more harmful than phrases like "ascertaining the will of the peoples for peace", like the sequence of revolutionary actions of the proletariat (after the Russian proletariat comes the turn of the German), etc. Adler's life for his heroic though ill-considered shooting at a minister, and so on. If we remain in Zimmerwald for information only, we shall have our hands freed to establish the new International (and at the same time be able to use Zimmerwald should circumstances make it possible).         It is better to remain with one friend only, like Liebknecht, and that means remaining with the revolutionary proletariat, than to entertain even for a moment any thought of amalgamation with the party of the Organising Committee, with Chkheidze and Tsereteli, who can tolerate a bloc with Potresov in Rabochaya Gazeta, who voted for the loan in the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies,[50] and who have sunk to "defencism". Our emergent, new state is also a state, for we too need contingents of armed men, we too need the strictest order, and must ruthlessly crush by force all attempts at either a tsarist or a Guchkov-bourgeois counter-revolution.     There is no possibility of this war ending in a democratic, non-coercive peace or of the people being relieved of the burden of billions paid in interest to the capitalists, who have made fortunes out of the war, except through a revolution of the proletariat. In order to improve grain production techniques and increase output, and in order to develop rational cultivation on a large scale under public control, we must strive within the peasants' committees to secure the transformation of every confiscated landed estate into a large model farm controlled by the Soviet of Agricultulal Labourers' Deputies. It is impossible to slip out of the imperialist war and achieve a democratic, non-coercive peace without overthrowing the power of capital and transferring state power to another class, the proletariat. * See p. 82 of this volume. The "Centre" is for "unity", the Centre is opposed to a split. I now come to the final point, the name of our Party, We must call ourselves the Communist Party -- just as Marx and Engels called themselves. Much is given to the Russian proletariat; nowhere in the world has the working class yet succeeded in developing so much revolutionary energy as in Russia. tolerate the parallel government of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, did not allow Fritz Platten, the Swiss socialist, secretary of the party, an internationalist and participant in the Zimmerwald and Kienthal conferences, to enter Russia in April 1917, in spite of the fact that Platten has a Russian wife and was on his way to visit his wife's relatives, and in spite of the fact that he had taken part in the revolution of 1905 in Riga, for which he had been confined in a Russian prison, had given bail to the tsarist government for his release and wished to recover that bail -- if the "republican" Milyukov could do such a thing in April 1917 in Russia, one can judge what value can be put on the promises and assurances, the phrases and declarations of the bourgeoisie on the subject of peace without annexations, and soon.

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